A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure (Studies in by Luis López PDF

By Luis López

During this quantity, Luis L?pez sheds new mild on details constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist application. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer exhibits that notions resembling 'topic' and 'focus', as often outlined, yield no predictions and proposes in its place a characteristic approach in response to the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He offers an in depth version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay occurs on the section point, with a privileged position for the sting of the part. extra, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of gadgets in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and indicates that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, autonomous of discourse connectedness. the quantity ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.

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As for DPs, if ‘‘referential’’ is taken to mean ‘‘deWnite’’ or ‘‘speciWc’’, Catalan dislocations are not topics either. 7 ? 8) - Vas comprar mobles ahir? ’ -De cadires, no en vaig comprar, pero de taules sı´. ’ In Italian one can construct examples of dislocated non-speciWc indeWnites just as easily as in Catalan. 1st. comprato . . ptc [It] Cadires, taules, and sedie are all dislocated (and anaphorically dependent on mobles). But all three are non-speciWc indeWnites. 10) Context: Do you want any furniture?

Then I discuss the supposed topicality of answers to questions that provide a list of alternatives and other D-linked wh-questions (Erteschik-Shir 1997, 2006). Finally I present a Wrst objection against having topic and focus as syntactic categories. 5) Aquesta noia, a ella si this girl ACC her indeed vull veure mai me´s. acc In this example, aquesta noia is HTLD while a ella is CLLD. 5. It presents a curious phenomenology: while the other constructions seem to have fairly well circumscribed discourse functions, HTLD is very free.

The information structure of a syntactic object S is S[p], the same syntactic object augmented with the features assigned by pragmatics and which consequently is ready to be mapped onto a discourse structure. The goal of this chapter is to deWne those features. 1 presents the general outline of the model I assume. Some mainstream pragmatic approaches to information structure make reference to ‘‘speaker’s intentions’’, ‘‘speaker’s assumptions regarding what the hearer knows’’, ‘‘what the speaker wants the hearer to pay attention to’’, etc.

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