By Luis López
During this quantity, Luis L?pez sheds new mild on details constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist application. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer exhibits that notions resembling 'topic' and 'focus', as often outlined, yield no predictions and proposes in its place a characteristic approach in response to the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He offers an in depth version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay occurs on the section point, with a privileged position for the sting of the part. extra, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of gadgets in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and indicates that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, autonomous of discourse connectedness. the quantity ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.
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Extra resources for A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure (Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)
As for DPs, if ‘‘referential’’ is taken to mean ‘‘deWnite’’ or ‘‘speciWc’’, Catalan dislocations are not topics either. 7 ? 8) - Vas comprar mobles ahir? ’ -De cadires, no en vaig comprar, pero de taules sı´. ’ In Italian one can construct examples of dislocated non-speciWc indeWnites just as easily as in Catalan. 1st. comprato . . ptc [It] Cadires, taules, and sedie are all dislocated (and anaphorically dependent on mobles). But all three are non-speciWc indeWnites. 10) Context: Do you want any furniture?
Then I discuss the supposed topicality of answers to questions that provide a list of alternatives and other D-linked wh-questions (Erteschik-Shir 1997, 2006). Finally I present a Wrst objection against having topic and focus as syntactic categories. 5) Aquesta noia, a ella si this girl ACC her indeed vull veure mai me´s. acc In this example, aquesta noia is HTLD while a ella is CLLD. 5. It presents a curious phenomenology: while the other constructions seem to have fairly well circumscribed discourse functions, HTLD is very free.
The information structure of a syntactic object S is S[p], the same syntactic object augmented with the features assigned by pragmatics and which consequently is ready to be mapped onto a discourse structure. The goal of this chapter is to deWne those features. 1 presents the general outline of the model I assume. Some mainstream pragmatic approaches to information structure make reference to ‘‘speaker’s intentions’’, ‘‘speaker’s assumptions regarding what the hearer knows’’, ‘‘what the speaker wants the hearer to pay attention to’’, etc.